Dennis Bergkamp

Before there was Cesc Fabregas and Thierry Henry, there was another man, who made the difference in Arsenal. His name was Dennis Bergkamp. There might have been others like him, or even better before. Ian Wright was the big name and once held the record for the most number of goals scored, but for me, Bergkamp was the person.

I remember him fondly, his passes, his shots, his assists, and his partnerships with the other players. I remember the times when he would put the ball through and a young Nicolas Anelka would outrun the defenders to latch on to the ball and score.

Dennis Bergkamp was such a gentle-looking man, his movements ever so graceful, his passes ever so weighted, yet his shots ever so powerful. Such was the delight of seeing him play that I became an Arsenal fan.

I was so delighted when I came across this video on Youtube that pays a tribute to the man as a player that I would like to share it with everyone. For the love of our beautiful game.

Questionable food-handling hygiene

Friends and family please take note the next time you visit NIAKMATH RESTAURANT PTE LTD: MUSLIM FOOD OF ORIGINAL TASTE at BLK 632 Bedok Reservoir Road. Many of us remember it fondly by the name of the former restaurant occupying the same unit: TMK.

I was having my supper there this morning after a studying session at a nearby McDonald's restaurant at the same block. Craving for some pratas, I settled for this familiar Muslim restaurant that I frequent often with my close friends who live nearby.

Halfway through the meal, which comprised of a glass of bandung, a glass of teh peng, a plaster prata and a mushroom cheese prata, I found myself biting at a peculiar object that had the texture of compressed wet tissue paper. I proceed to spit out the object, which at first sight look perfectly normal as part of the mushroom cheese prata that it came from. Upon closer examination I was dumbfounded to find a fibrous piece of what I can only assume to be a filter of a cigarette.

In disbelief, I approached the staff and highlighted my finding. Feigning ignorance, the restaurant nonetheless offered to remove the item from my bill. I was at a loss as to what I should do in this predicament. In the end I decided to brush it off as the restaurant staff were generally nice and they did not deny wrongdoings.

I then took a cigarette to calm myself and as I finished my cigarette, I removed the filter and compared the 2 items. I could not be sure but it seemed as though my guess was correct, that the thing inside the prata was indeed a cigarette filter.

What puzzled me more was how it got there in the first place. It was mixed and cooked with the ingredients and one would not realise its existence without careful chewing. If it was indeed a cigarette filter, there was no paper present. As is the case normally, for a filter to be wrapped in the paper bearing the brand of the cigarette. Assuming that the person in charge of preparing the food was smoking while cooking, how is it possible that he would drop the filter into the prata, since it was on the inside and not the outside. Would it also meant that I might have ingested paper and ashes together with the prata?

I do not wish to think about it anymore, as more thinking only disgusts me further. I do, however, wish to highlight this to everyone out there, just so that everyone would think twice about patronising this shop again, or at least check the next time, before you eat. I regret not having the pictures to illustrate my concerns.

The real class of Arsenal

The match against Newcastle was of paramount importance to Arsenal after its youngsters' abysmal display the previous week against Tottenham in the Carling Cup semi-final.

With one less silverware possible, Arsenal must win against Newcastle to continue its journey towards a treble-winning season, with all the other competitions still en-route. As the fixture set up to play Newcastle back to back in both the FA Cup and the Premier League, a win at the Emirates will send Newcastle back with a dip in confidence to ensure that the Gunners can keep up the title race with Manchester United as the 2 teams are currently level on points with United ahead on goal difference.

With Manchester United set to play Tottenham the next day (United won 3-1 despite Tottenham taking the lead through Robbie Keane), a win here will send the right message to Ferguson and team that the 5-1 loss was by the reserve team, hardly in the same class as the regular 11, and they should expect nothing less from the latter when they meet next. More importantly, it will also send the right message to United, who was to become their adversary in the next round of the FA Cup.

Despite a slow start in the first half against a revitalised Newcastle under new old manager Kevin Keegan, Emmanuel Adebayor finally broke the deadlock in the 51st min and added a second in the 83rd min. Nicky Butt ended Keegan's dream first return to Arsenal's Emirates Stadium when he headed in an own-goal with Eduardo applying pressure.

Despite the win, Arsenal was not playing to their best as they seemed to lack urgency as was the case in the previous few matches. Newcastle, on the other hand, was determined to present their alleged saviour with a welcoming gift and never hit the brake, even though they were 3-0 down. They continued fighting till the final whistle but in the end Arsenal was simply too much for them to handle.

With a tight and difficult schedule ahead, Newcastle (Tuesday), Man City (Saturday), Blackburn (Monday), Man Utd (Sat), AC Milan (Wednesday) and Birmingham (Sat), with 2 matches per week for the next 3 weeks, Arsène Wenger had to select his players carefully. Still missing key players through the African Nations' Cup and injury, the Arsenal team saw Lehmann come in for Almunia in goal, Justin Hoyte and Philippe Senderos for Kolo Toure and Bacary Sagna in defence Abou Diaby for Helb in midfield and Theo Walcott for Van Persie in attack. To add salt to injury, Tomas Rosicky limped off in the 9th min to add to the injury list and was replaced by the in-form Eduardo.

The next 3 weeks will put Arsenal to the mettle as they sought to reclaim the title after 3 seasons and break the record of getting a Treble win.

Bike circuit opens in Singapore

Slightly more than a week ago, a motocross circuit in Tuas, Singapore officially opened, to the applause of local biking fans.

Previously, Singaporean bikers, motocross or otherwise, cross the borders over to Malaysia in search of racing grounds. Pasir Gudang and Sepang are among the most well-known in Singapore, especially in the circle of sportsbikers.

I suspect this new circuit is riding on the wave of the impending inaugural F1 race in Singapore, banking on the racing fervour in anticipation of the races in September. Already hotels, and the yet-to-open Singapore Eye are pushing up the prices for a first-hand view of the race.

In addition to the motocross track and the F1 street track, the circuit at Tuas is poised to open a tarmac track for the racing of another kind of motorbike. To my disappointment, the other bikes they were talking about were the Super Motards, a motocross b*****d with road wheels, according to CNA news. Sadly, it looks like sportsbikers still have to cross over to Malaysia to enjoy that sense of speed and thrill, though the possibility of sportsbike racing is still possible in Tuas.

Now I can only hope that the F1 races will enjoy immense success to encourage the authorities to introduce the Motor Grand Prix, F1's 2-wheeled brother.

Long road ahead for Arsenal's Youngsters

As an Arsenal fan since the time I started watching soccer seriously, yesterday's match against arch-rival Tottenham was crushing, ending in a dismal 5-1 loss.

Arsène Wenger followed a policy of fielding a young side in the Carling Cup and yesterday's semi-final second leg was no exception. In a line-up of youngsters, only skipper William Gallas, fullback Bacary Sagna and winger Hleb were regular features of the Arsenal first team.

The young Arsenal squad was clearly lacking in experience as Tottenham managed to repeatedly pry them open. Only the post and the lack of of finishing prevented the difference from becoming bigger as Berbatov hit the post and Jermaine Defoe missed a sitter, splurging his rare chance to play and impress.

On the other side of the field, Arsenal was unable to put anything together other than pass the ball around. Gilberto was clearly lacking sharpness and fitness while Diaby forever looked clumsy and slow. Denilson was injured early but his replacement Fabregas was a shadow of his usual self, showing rooms of improvement. The strike was no better as the only goal that young Dane Bendtner was pass his own goalkeeper Fabianski.

Although Adebayor managed to pull one back in the later stages of the game, the game was then already over as Arsenal fans were seen leaving White Hart Lane early. The inexperience of the young Arsenal squad was exposed further as they let their frustration show, with defender Justin Hoyte picking up a booking for a rash challenge and Bendtner squabbling with his own teammates Adebayor and Gallas.

Wenger, on the other hand, did not seemed very disturbed as he sat calmly in the dugout, despite throwing in Adebayor and Eduardo to try and salvage a result. He later justified his tactics by claiming that the Carling Cup remains the least of Arsenal's priority in a season that sees them still chasing for the league title, the Champion's League and the FA Cup.

Next week will see Arsenal go back to back against Newcastle in both the league and the fourth round of the FA cup. Arsenal will need to put up a strong performance following yesterday's incredulous showing.

American Scriptwriters on strike

I have to admit, that I am a huge fan of American TV series. From F.R.I.E.N.D.S, which happens to be my all-time favourite, to Sex in the City, Gilmore girls, Ally McBeal, Grey's Anatomy, Boston Legal, Nip-Tuck and many others, you name it, I have probably watched it.

And now I am trying to catch up on my work so that I can continue the much-applauded Heroes, Prison Break, plus a few that my friends recommended such as House. In addition to that, I can now watch them all online, without paying a single cent. I strongly recommend tudou.com and fanpop.com. They have allowed to find almost all the serials that I am interested in watching.

Recently, I found something very strong going on. Season 4 of the current series Boston Legal and Grey's Anatomy, which I am watching, have stopped mid-season. I was shocked to find out that the scriptwriters in America are currently on strike! It turns out that their contract ran out in October and they were not able to negotiate a satisfactory increase in the remunerations for their work.

Picture from WGA website.

I sincerely hope that they are able to work out something quickly so that we can all have our favourite TV shows back on.

For more information, visit the Writers Guild of American website.
For a summary, see BBC news.

The New MacBook Air

I have been a mac user since 2005. My trusty iBook has never given me any real trouble, at least nothing not covered by warranty. Recently, I find my heart straying, however. It went to this cute little thing that, though looking less classy is absolutely delicious. When I first saw the advertisement, I knew I'll never look at my faithful iBook in the same way again.



Being a minimalist who likes everything simple and fuss-free. The new MacBook Air was exactly what I would imagine in a notebook. Its main features; lightweight 1.36kg design, wireless-oriented capabilities, and metallic feel matched me in every way.

The only misgivings I have with the MacBook Air is the shape, which tapers off at the edges, a divergence from the classic squarish design, which I felt was a trademark of Apple notebooks. Adding on to that is the hefty price tag of nearly SGD$3000, a price clearly out of my range.

For more details visit the Apple website.

How does the ‘hierarchisation’ of castes influence everyday village life?

By Ng Wee Loon

Introduction

There are many societies that employ a certain form of caste system. In the region of South Asia, these caste systems are usually in one way or the other, extensions of the Indian caste system. In India itself, the system is not restricted exclusively to the Hindu communities, though it is the most pervasive. The caste system is the fabric of the Hindu society, especially in the rural areas, namely the villages, yet to be touched by foreign influences. It is a hierarchical social system, which will be discussed in greater details. We will look at how this form of hierarchy, itself dictated by the concepts of soul transmigration, karma and dharma, dictates the daily life in a typical Indian village through purity and pollution. For the sake of discussion, this essay will look at some of the more important and apparent aspects of an otherwise elaborated system. Also worth noting is the difference between the caste system in theory and the caste system in practice. This will be explored further using the village of Korkkadu in South India as a case study. “Social hierarchy is most deeply rooted in Indic Civilisation and remains vital to India’s Hindu majority.”

The caste system

The caste system is a social system base on Hinduism. At the heart of this social system is the notion of purity and pollution, which governs the way that the Hindus behave. Other than this notion of purity and pollution, other important concepts of the caste system are that of transmigration of souls, karma and dharma . Together, these account for and direct the hierarchisation of the caste system. As we explore the system in depths, we will soon realise that many characteristics of the systems is in one way or another, a cause or result of these concepts.

The caste system is a hierarchical social system; that is to say, there are different levels or groups within the system that occupy different roles and importance. There is first and foremost, an Indian wide system known as the varna system which spells out the hierarchy and divides the Hindus into 4 varnas based traditionally on colour and occupation. The 4 varnas are, in descending order, Brahmins, traditionally priests and scholars; Kshatriyas, kings and warriors; Vaishyas, farmers and merchants; and Shudras, workers and servants. Outside of this system stands another group, the Untouchables, who are the outcastes associated with religiously polluting jobs, jobs dealing with the dead for example, and are generally despied by the rest of the varnas.

Within the varna system, there is a more region-base and specific jati system. The jati system is a system of sub-communities. The jatis are region based in a sense that each jati is quite different from another. The make up of one jati might not make sense to a person from another village. These jatis are also hierarchical in nature and they serve to define the varnas more specifically. Between the varna of Brahmins in a specific village, there could be an indefinite amount of jatis which ranks one above the other. One example of this is the Kanyabuja in south India. The Kanyabujas are assigned Biswas according to their ascribed attributes on a twenty-point scale. The higher the number of Biswas, the higher the rank of the segment possessing them.

Transmigration of souls, karma and dharma

The most important concept in the caste system is the concept of purity and pollution. But before we discuss the notion of purity and pollution and how it affects the caste system, which affects the daily life, we shall first discuss the three concepts of transmigration of souls, karma and dharma.

Transmigration of soul, in simple terms, means that the Hindus believe that one’s soul is an immortal being and the lives of the individual are but the physical manifestations. Just like the same person who changes his clothes from time to time but he himself remain unchanged, the Hindus believe that the same soul transmigrates from body to body through reincarnations without changing itself.

Karma is the cosmic law that governs the transmigration of souls. A person with good karma will be born into a better life in his next incarnation while a person who has bad karma will be relegated to a worse life in his next incarnation. Therefore karma is about retribution, and this is more apparent when we look at the word itself. The word karma is from the Sanskrit root kri, meaning ‘to do’. Literally, the word karma means ‘that which is done’ or ‘action’. The doctrine has for its basis the very popular notion that all action has its reaction, and that the type of reaction is causally connected to the type of actions.

Dharma is all that is good and righteous while conversely, a-dharma represents all that is bad and wrong. Dharma can be classified into three broad categories. One, positive rules and injunctions which should be followed in order to have a normal and healthy life in the community. Two, rules of behaviour and rites the aims of which is the acquisition of extra merit and moral advancement for the individual whose practises them. Three, rules that are considered essential for a person to follow.

Together, these 3 concepts combine to give the caste system its backbone and justification for its structure. In other words, an individual of a certain rank in a certain caste is there because of his soul transmigrated to this life and his position was determined by the karma that he accumulated in his previous life by doing either dharma or a-dharma. Therefore an individual, for example, a Brahmin was able to reincarnate into this life as a Brahmin probably because he had fulfilled his duties in his past life according to the dharma and accumulated enough good karma. “Different castes have different designated codes of proper conduct (dharma), according to their ranks on the hierarchy that they are obligated to perform to contribute to their society. For example, Brahman's proper behavior will be to be nonviolent, religious and have a vegetarian diet; Kshatriyas are expected to be aggressive warriors who fight and defend and consume meat and alcohol. The mass population believe that the suffering in their present life is a result of the bad deeds they committed in their past life. The karma that they accumulate is the deciding factor as to which position in the caste hierarchy they will belong to in their next lives. They believe that the faithful execution of the duties obligated in their position in life, thus good karma performed, will be a promise to raise them up through the different classes in reincarnation until they reach the top of the ranks and take the next proceeding step to liberation (moksha). The rigid caste system is justified by this belief and it is thus possible to see why the masses stay muted and accept their suffering in life.”

Purity and pollution

Purity and pollution is another important principle of the caste that explains why the various varnas and jatis interact in the way that they do. One point to note here is that the purity and pollution are not necessary in the physical sense but more of a ritual sense. The members of the higher varnas and jatis, such as the Brahmins, are considered purer than members of the lower caste, with the Untouchables, being at the bottom of the hierarchy, considered the least pure. The pollution occurs when a member of a higher interacts with a member of a lower caste. Hence, to prevent pollution, many stringent rules of conduct are put in place in everyday life. We will now examine these rules of conduct in a few selected aspects.

Commensality

Commensality literally means eating together. However commensality in the Hindu caste system signifies a lot more. Not only are members of the higher caste not allowed to dine with members of the lower class, they are also not allow to receive food and water from the lower castes. Consuming such items would result in pollution, which would require purifying rituals to rectify. Even when circumstances require a higher caste member to receive food from a lower caste member, it can only be “cooked” (pukka) grain, well parched and thus perhaps cleansed enough by Agni’s fire to prove palatable. Never “raw” (kucha) food, however, nor water!

Restrictions in regard to eating are generally speaking more severe than those which govern drinking, but do not depend, as in that case, on who supplies the food but rather on who cooks it. The cooking is very important, and a stranger’s shadow, even the glance of a man of low caste, falling on the cooking pot may necessitate throwing away the contents. Members of the same exogamous unit can, of course, share each other’s food. Certain exceptions hold. For example, only members of the Waterbearer caste who are employed to supply water from wells to homes can offer water by hand to all castes without polluting them.

Marriage

Jatis are endogamous groups. That simply means that members of a jati can only marry within their own jati. Inter-caste marriages may result in the members of the caste being polluted. This especially true if the difference between the two parties involved are from very different jatis in the system, such as a Brahmin and an Untouchable in the most extreme of cases. Therefore in cases of inter-caste marriages, the parties involved are ostracised from the their jatis and become Untouchables. Given that even the issue of dining has so many regulations, marriage and consummation issues are under even heavier scrutiny. Marriages are traditionally arranged and within one's own caste. The background of each bride and groom are thoroughly studied to make sure they fit. Caste is the key qualification sought, and like how it affects basic socialisation of society, is a filter system when seeking potential life partners. Marriage within caste is such a strong factor that there are directories that publish a list of eligible Indians and what caste groups they belong to. An example is this web site: www.marriage.com.

There are however also cases of hypergamous unions, which are marriages between different castes. The point to note here is that hypergamous unions are almost always between a woman of a lower caste and a man of a higher caste. A man can marry a girl from an approved range of lower jatis. The progeny carries no stigma and is given full membership of the jati. The reason for this, according to M.N. Srinivas, could be an exchange; the man’s family increases its wealth from the receipt of dowry while the woman’s family increases its status through affiliation with an upper caste.

Division of labour

As mentioned in the earlier part of the essay, the various castes are based traditionally on occupations. Each caste is designated specific jobs and these jobs are usually related to the level of purity. Therefore in a village community, no caste is self-sufficient and all have to rely on each another for daily affairs. Given the strictures of his caste, a Brahmin cannot therefore, engage in activities that are polluting. Therefore he must depend on the members of Vaishyas for food and members of Kshatriyas for protection. In the same way, work such as sweeping and removal of carcass can only be handle by members of Untouchables as they are the only ones that will not be polluted as it is part of their duties. As such, the caste system provided a well-knitted system of division labour that ensures that the village functions like a well-oiled machine.

Looking at it from another point of view, it can be said that it is the “clean” and “noble” occupation that gives a jati its higher ritual and social status, and “unclean” and “polluting” occupation relegates it to a lower status. The acquisition of learning, imparting knowledge, and priestly functions are “pure” and “noble”; they are thus supposed to give the Brahmins the highest. And the converse holds true with regard to the lower castes. Therefore the notions of clean and unclean, purity and pollution enter into intra- and inter-caste behaviour and interaction.

The difference between theory and practice

Though the Indian wide varna system places the Brahmins at the top of the hierarchy and the subsequent varnas in the prescribed order, and ordained that the various varnas and jatis behave accordingly, it is worthy to note that it may not be the case in reality.
Using the village of Korkkadu in south India as a case study, we can see that in a non-Brahminical village, the Brahmins do not necessary occupy the highest position. In this case instead, it is the landowner caste of the Reddiyars that occupies the highest position. And because Korkkadu is an agricultural village, the practiced hierarchy in the village depends largely on the involvement of the agricultural activities.

One thing to note however, the main difference is present in the higher castes. Even in the village of Korkkadu, there remains the segregation of the Untouchables who are responsible still, for the polluting and unclean jobs. Even so, as industrialisation and outside influences, like the international effort to clean up the lake in Korkkadu, come into play, we begin to see the declining influence of the caste system. None is more significant in the working together of various castes, in a communal participation in the Lake-clearing Project, and the high reverence of the MLA by all castes, eventhough he was from the Untouchable caste.



Conclusion

The caste system is an old age system that holds high importance in the Hindu society. To this day it is still very pervasive in rural Indian. Its comprehensiveness can be felt in its influence in almost of parts of the village life, often the most important parts. We can however observe an increase in strength of the counter-forces. As more and more of rural Indian comes into contact with outside influences, more importantly concepts of modernity and equality, such as that of which Korkkadu experienced, it is almost certain that sooner or later the caste system will lose its place, as it already had in urban India.

References
Dube S.C.. Indian Society. (New Delhi: National Book Trust, India, 1996)

Hutton, J.H.. Caste in India: Its Nature, Function, and Origins. (Oxford University Press, 1963)

Mathur, K.S.. Hindu Values of Life: Karma and Dharma in Madan, T.N et als ed. Religion in India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000)

Wolpert, Stanley. India. (University of California Press, 1999)

Dictionary.com <>. (accessed 7/11/05)
Srinivas, M.N.. Some Reflections on Dowry. (Havard School of Public Health). (accessed 7/11/05)

The Caste System in India. . (accessed 7/11/05)

Lecture materials provided by Dr. Niklas in lectures.

Would it be right to claim that the First World War was the beginning of the end of modern imperialism? If not, why?

By Ng Wee Loon

This question is discussed on the basis that the peace settlements, which followed, of the 'Great War' marked the end of four empires.

Introduction
The Great War marked the end of 4 European empires, namely, the German Empire, the Austria-Hungary Empire, the Ottoman Empire, and the Russian Empire. This essay will first attempt to define the term “modern imperialism”. Subsequently, it will attempt to explain why and how did the Great War result in the demise of each the above-mentioned empires and the possible effects of the Great War and the demise of the 4 empires with regards to the beginning of the end of “modern imperialism”. The later part of the essay will highlight that while the Great War had significant effects throughout the world with regards to both economics and politics imperialism – the reason why these two aspect are highlighted will be discussed below – it is not right to claim that it marked the beginning of the end of modern imperialism.

Definition of modern imperialism
For the sake of analysis, this essay will employ the definitions of imperialism as stated by Benjamin J.Cohen, Professor of International Political Economy at the University of California. According to Benjamin J.Cohen, “imperialism refers to those particular relationships between inherently unequal nations which involve effective subjugation, the actual exercise of influence over behaviour” . More importantly, Benjamin J.Cohen referred specifically to the modern sense of imperialism in the form of political and economic imperialism. These two aspects of imperialism are given special attention because they were the most “virulent and persistent forms of imperialism” and with economic imperialism cited as “perhaps the only form of imperialism” . Modern imperialism will therefore be defined as the exertion of influence of a more powerful nation over the behaviour of a less powerful nation through either political or economic means. One other point to note is the difference between modern imperialism and previous form of imperialism, the latter characterise often by bloodshed and aggressive take-overs whenever necessary .

The End of the German Empire
The Germans were the loser in the Great War. With the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, they were, together with Austria, held responsible for starting the war and made to pay for all the war damages suffered by the Allied powers. As a result of the peace settlements, the German Empire was to give up their foreign possessions, reduce the size of their military, cede territories to France and the newly set-up Poland and maintain a demilitarised zone between herself and France, with whom she had a long-standing rivalry as a result of the Franco-Prussian War, and who had suffered greatly in the Great War because of the “Trench Warfare” along the German western front due to the death toll. With all these terms, the peace settlements ensured that the German ceased to be an empire and remained weak, therefore ensuring that it can no longer threaten its neighbours, sparking another great war.

The End of the Austria-Hungary Empire
As mentioned above, the peace settlements held the Austria-Hungary Empire responsible for the war together with the German Empire, though the settlement was not as severe as the one handed to the German Empire. With all the war-debts thrown upon the German Empire, the main losses sustained by the Austria-Hungary Empire were the loss of its territories. In place of the former Austria-Hungary Empire, the new states of Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia were established, and lend was ceded to Romania and also to Yugoslavia, which was formed by a few nations with Serbia as the core. Due to these separations, the economy of Austria was torn to tatters as Czechoslovakia had consisted of some of the wealthiest land of the former empire.

The End of the Ottoman Empire
The Ottoman Empire entered the war on the side on of the Central Powers having signed the Turko-German Alliance in 1914. Being on the losing side, the Ottoman Empire suffered a similar fate as the Austria-Hungary Empire and was carved out into different new states, such as Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Lebanon. The Arabs were rewarded with their own nation as a result of assisting the Allied Powers by resisting the Ottoman campaign.

The End of the Russian Empire
The Russian Empire under the House of the Romanovs was the only empire that did not fall as a direct result of losing the war per se. In fact the Russian Empire had entered the war on the side of the winning Allied Powers. However, Russians became disillusioned and discontented with the rule of the Russian Emperor, Tzar Nicholas II, after setbacks in the earlier phase of the war and severe economic crisis at home . Because of that, two revolutions took place in Russia resulting in the fall of the Russian Empire and the ascension of Vladimir Lenin, a Marxist revolutionary, to the Russian leadership. Promising his people “Land, Bread and Peace”, Lenin subsequently pulled out of the Great War by signing the Brest-Litovsk Treaty with the Germans.

The effects of the Great War on imperialism
Firstly, the harsh treaty imposed upon the Germans resulted in a lot of hatred within the German population. The Germans felt that they were not to be held solely accountable for the war and should not be made to fully pay for the reparations. Such circumstances culminated in the rise of Hitler’s Nazi Germany when he played on the German sentiments and promise to return Germany to its former glory and take back what the Allied Powers took through the Treaty of Versailles, more specifically land, pride and money. Hitler’s Germany was to go on and start World War Two, which was destined to be far more destructive than the Great War due to technological advancements that enabled mass destruction through improved armament. World War Two was to weaken Europe like never before as millions died and Europe no longer have the ability to sustain its overseas possessions and therefore marking the beginning of the end of its influence on the less developed and therefore weaker non-Europeans.

Secondly, following the end of the Great War, American President Woodrow Wilson suggested in his “Fourteen Points” that the people of Europe should self-determinate and all set up their own states under nationalistic lines. This sparked off a new wave of nationalism, which occurred not only in Europe but also sow its seeds in their colonies in Asia and Africa. Consequently, there was an increase in rebellious movements throughout the world “dedicated to freeing their societies from the ravages of Western colonisation” . As followed, imperialism as direct control and influence over colonial possessions begins to wane and decline.

Modern imperialism persists
The demise of the four empires did not truly result in the decline of modern imperialism. For even though the end of the empires marked the establishment of several new states as well as the loss of foreign colonial possessions, many of the colonies did not achieve independence, nor did the newly established states. For example, the Middle-eastern countries, which were products of the fall of the Ottoman Empire, saved for Saudi Arabia, were incorporated into the British and French spheres of influence. Likewise for the colonies of Germany, which were distributed amongst the various Allied Powers. Hence the Great War resulted only in a change of ownership instead of a decline in imperialism.

In a way the same argument can be applied to the fall of the Russian Empire. Though it did not occurred immediately after the Great War, the successor of the Russian Empire, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR), remained an imperialist power. After World War II, the Communist government in USSR, through its military might and the spread of the communist ideology and the organisation the Third International, maintained a series of satellite states that also acted as its buffer with the capitalist Western Europe. Though these states were not under the direct control of USSR, they were under the influence of Moscow, the capital of USSR. In this way, USSR fulfilled the criteria of being a modern imperialist power both in the economic and political sense as their principle of influence; communism, was both an economic as well as a political ideology. So strong was the influence of the USSR that it emerges as one of the two superpowers in contemporary history, establishing its hegemony on one side of the Cold War, the war between the Communist ideology and the Capitalist ideology, that spanned more than half a decade of the twentieth century.

The Great War also saw the emergence of a new superpower, the United States of America (USA) at the other side of the Cold War. The devastation in Europe saw the traditional Europeans fall from grace and the Americans rise in strength. Besides, being geographically far away, American soil and society was spared the same physical and structural destruction that was the result of the Great War, despite being involved in the war. Adding on to that Europe had borrowed heavily from the Americans to rebuild itself. This gives the American a financial edge over the Europe by using the loans and its repayment as a diplomatic tool in influencing European politics and economy. Also, prior to the war, Europe was the major trading partner of regions such as Latin America and Asia as it was then the most developed economy and had the largest importing power of raw materials and agricultural products thanks to the Industrial Revolution. After the war however it lost its number one position as its own economy lay in ruins. This allowed America to step in as the new economic powerhouse taking over its trade especially with Latin America due to its proximity .

Another important development that came out of the Great War was American President Woodrow Wilson’s vision of a League of Nations:
“A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small nations alike.”

America itself however was not part of the League of Nations, as the American Congress did not give its approval to join the League of Nations, without which President Wilson could not proceed. And without the Americans in the League, the League does not have the financial and military backing necessary to carry out carry out whatever sanctions or decision it makes against its member nations that had defied collective League decisions. This is evident in the years preceding World War II when the Germans and the Japanese refused to adhere to League decisions concerning their militarisation and military expansion in Europe and East Asia respectively. Nonetheless, the League of Nations provided the foundations and precedent for the present day United Nations, which has carried out economic and political sanctions against renegade countries that in their view threaten global peace and stability, for example North Korea and Iran. This is important, as it is an example of modern imperialism whereby the strong country, or countries, exert influence upon the behaviour another independent country through economic and political means.

Conclusion
In conclusion, the above-mentioned definition of modern imperialism was chosen for the analysis of this paper, though it must be noted that it is not the only definition. The discussion of the fall of the empires with regards to the Great War reveals that both the fall of the empires and the Great War itself had effects on the trajectory of imperialism. They are however insufficient to bring about the decline of imperialism or imperialistic developments as evident in the presence of many forms of imperialistic events that occurred from the end of the war to present day.

Bibliography

Cohen, Benjamin J. “The Question of Imperialism: The Political Economy of Dominance and Dependence”. London and Basingstoke: The MacMillan Press Ltd, 1974

Duiker, William J. “Twentieth-Century World History”. Belmont: Thomson Wadsworth, 2005

Hollister, C. Warren, McGee J. Sears, Stoke Gale. “The West Transformed: A History of Western Civilisation”. Fort Worth: Harcourt College Publishers,2000

“Revision-notes.co.uk: The Peace Settlement After World War 1”. <>

Friederich Wilhelm Nietzsche as a social thinker

By Ng Wee Loon

Introduction
Out of the many social thinkers and theorist that had contributed greatly to the field of sociology, this essay highlights Friederich Wilhelm Nietzsche. This essay will begin with a brief biography of Nietzsche, giving an account of his life and his works. From the works of Nietzsche, some of his concepts will be singled out and further discussed. By the discussion of his work, this essay will seek to explain why Nietzsche can be considered to be a social thinker. In the process, comparisons and associations will be made to some of his more recognized counterparts in the sociological field such as Max Weber, Emile Durkheim and Karl Marx. Using the differences and similarities observed in the works of Nietzsche with regards to the other thinkers, this essay will try to portray Nietzsche as a social thinker to a certain extent though not necessary a sociologist.

Biography
Friederich Nietzsche was born in Prussia in 1844 to a Lutheran minister. Coming from a well-to-do family, Nietzsche was enrolled into elite school and studied in the University of Bonn and Leipzig where he was introduced to the field of philology and subsequently went on to obtain professorship at the department of philology at the University of Basel in Switzerland at the young age of twenty-four. During this time he met Richard Wagner, a musician whose ideas he founded corresponded to those of his own. “Wagner’s music was an attack on the decadence of formalistic, regimented nineteenth-century civilization” and “for Nietzsche the theme meshed with a revolutionary possibility just emerging in his own scholarly studies”. Nietzsche had also served in the Prussian army in the Franco-Prussian War as a medical orderly. Close contact with the wounded and dead was to have repercussions on his health and consequently his works in the later part of his life. Poor health made Nietzsche resign from his work at the university and he was to have more time to focus on writing till he collapsed in 1888 and it was in this time that he wrote most of his works.

His writings
Friederich Nietzsche authored many published writings. Starting from his first book “The Birth of Tragedy from the Spirit of Music” to his last in 1888, his works included “¬¬¬¬The Gay Science”, “The Dawn”, “Beyond Good and Evil”, “The Antichrist”, “Thus Spoke Zarathustra”, “On the Genealogy of Morality” and others. In these books, Nietzsche expressed his views on culture, religion, morality, values, politics and society, among others.

On morality
“To be moral, to act in accordance with custom, to be ethical means to practise obedience towards a law or tradition established from old…. How the tradition has arisen is here a matter of indifference, and has in any kind of immanent categorical imperative; it is above all directed at the preservation of a community, a people…”

Nietzsche expressed in his book “Human, All Too Human”, his understanding of morality; that it is the adherence in behaviour, to established norms and traditions. These traditions are understood by him to be for the preservation of the community in which the individual in question belongs to. Laws and traditions are set by the people in a certain community for the good of the community and those members of this community are required to abide by these rules. These regulations therefore, become a set of social norms and exert pressure on the members of the community. Deviance from these social norms, in the case when they are established laws can result in punishment.

The behaviours of members of the given community are not out of their own free will but instead imposed upon them by the society that they belong to. In this light, we can understand that they are forced to act in a certain manner and they do so whether it is out of fear of punishment or out of preserving their community as Nietzsche sees it. Morality in this scenario is a social phenomenon. We can deduced that Nietzsche is looking at morality as a result of social pressures, that it is a social fact, “ideas, feelings and ways of behaving that possess the remarkable property of existing outside the consciousness of the individual” as interpreted by Emile Durkheim. This interpretation of morality by Nietzsche is therefore one of sociological basis and by this we can understand him as a social thinker.

On religion
Nietzsche’s views are in a way very similar to Karl Marx. First he sees the existence of 2 different classes in society, the oppressive masters and the oppressed slaves, and the revolt of the slaves as they try to establish the good morality. This morality, according to Nietzsche, was that of the Christian morality. Though the form of morality was different, the revolt of an oppressed class was nonetheless similar to Marx’s revolution of the proletariat class. More importantly, Nietzsche and Marx hold the same views with regards to religion. Marx was interested in “religion’s repressive, constraining, and exploitative qualities” and “they rationalise and defend the political and economic interests of the dominant class.” In Nietzsche’s view, the revolution set up a Christian society but this society did not result in the betterment of the people. Instead, in a Christian society, “suffering people were among the most precious possessions… because it was through them that others’ salvation could be ensured. They were to be given charities…” This is similar to Marx view of religion as Nietzsche sees the sustenance of these Christian values simply as a methods for politicians to bring themselves to power.

By drawing comparisons and parallels between Nietzsche and Karl Marx, this essay had attempted to show that Nietzsche had analysed religion from the sociological perspective. Just as Karl Marx, Nietzsche had viewed religion as a tool to affect the masses into unconscious submission. Through portraying values of the dominant class as religious values of the masses, religion is used to affect the masses into docile or obedient behaviours that the dominant class prefers. Otherwise, using religion as a way to improve the image of politicians as caring care-takers, the masses helps legitimise possible oppressive powers by bringing the politicians into government.

Nietzsche not as a social thinker
Looking at Nietzsche’s work, there seems to be no defined concept of the social. Instead, often, Nietzsche was more often concern with the individual rather the society. This is illustrated in the example of the field of existentialist philosophy, which Nietzsche had helped set off. Engaging his ideas of “nihilism”, existentialist rejects “all specialised academic metaphysics and epistemology that does not derive from an immediate sense of one’s own fully engaged life.” This projects instead a more psychological than sociological aspect of his work and helps de-engage him as a social thinker.

Conclusion
Friederich Nietzsche’s works have, since his death, gone on to affect academia in various fields. Still pertaining to sociology, he had “an immediate impact on Max Weber, alerting him to the role of the emotion-disciplining Christian work ethic in powering modern capitalist society and to the iron cage of bureaucracy that makes a slave morality appropriate for all.” While in psychology and philosophy, Nietzsche had gone on to influence thinkers such as Sigmund Freund and Alfred Adler. Despite the vast influence he has on others, Nietzsche interest was in philology and some of the most important parts of his ideas were that of “nihilism”, and “The Will” which was not discussed, are not definitely sociological. Yet the sociological aspect of some of his works cannot be neglected. What needs to be noted is that given the length of the paper, Nietzsche and his ideas cannot be fully analysed. Given the similarities he had with the other social thinkers, and the impact he had on social thinkers after him, Nietzsche can be, to a certain extent, considered a social thinker.

Bibliography
Collins, Randall and Makowsky, Michael. “The Discovery of Society”. New York: McGraw-Hill. 2005

Ferrante, Joan. “Sociology: A Global Perspective”. Belmont: Thomson Wadsworth. 2006

Hollingdale, R.J. “A Nietzsche Reader”. London: Penguin. 1977

“Pill for Every Ill” Syndrome

By Ng Wee Loon

Introduction
The “pill for every ill” syndrome is described as “the chemical illusion” and “for many years we have been exposed to the idea that drugs are man’s companions and are capable of producing miracles”. (Lennard, 1971)

“Too often when people talk about ‘the drug problem’, they have in mind only the illicit use of drugs such as heroin.” (Edwards 1983) While academics gave due attention of the use of drugs and the problem of the “pill of the ill” syndrome, the use of quick-fixes for solution to problems and illnesses, much of the research placed emphasis on problems such as the “increased use of non-prescribed or over-the-counter medications” and prescribed drugs such as Benzodiazepines. (Cooperstock, 1983)

I feel that there is also a need to study the application of this syndrome to the use of non-medication psychoactive drugs by individuals to treat their ills, and in this paper, specifically nicotine in the form of cigarette smoking to combat stress. This study will first take into account the definition of “ill” in our society, and subsequently explain why drugs are used to increasingly applied in place of other forms of treatments in the alleviation of this “ill”. The last part of the paper will discuss the reasons for the rise of this drug-consuming culture.

Definition of the “ill”
Society is “enmeshed in an orgy of self-medication” and in a “hedonistic society, pain or discomfort are to be avoided at all cost, and this in part explains the overwhelming urge to inhale, gargle, swallow, apply or inject some medication at the slightest discomfort.” (Louria 1971) This discomfort is no longer restricted physical but also psychological manifestation, especially stress. There has been increasing emphasis on stress management because stress affects people from all walks of life regardless of age, gender or occupation and “traumatic stressful events may trigger either behavioural or biological processes that contribute to the onset of disease.” (Despues 1999)


“Pill” for the ill of Stress
As reported by the Telegraph, a British newspaper, “people are increasingly relying on medicinal cures rather than preventive methods or cheaper therapies”. (Telegraph 2005) The same can be said for stress. There are various ways of coping with stress, such as “feeling in control, approach and avoidant, appraisal and reappraisal”, (Despues 1999) yet some people choose to smoke in response to coping with stress.

According to the National Cancer Institute of the United States, one of the reasons for cited by smokers for their habit is to relieve stress. This is temporarily achieved because nicotine, the active ingredient in cigarettes causes the release of neurotransmitter in the brain such as Beta-Endorphin and Dopamine, which results in the reduction of pain and enhanced pleasure, thereby alleviating stress.

Thus, nicotine consumption is can be considered as a quick-fix “pill” for the “ill” of stress. It is chosen by the smokers over other non-drug treatment in combating stress.

The cause of this syndrome
The reason for the rise of this syndrome is as stated in the introduction, that we have “for many year been exposed to the idea that drugs are man’s companions are capable of producing miracles” and this idea was propagated “for their own reasons by the drug industry, media and self-appointed of youth spokesmen of the youth culture”. (Lennard 1971)

This is especially true in the United States where the government allows “Direct to Consumer Advertising”, a multi-billion industry that “cultivate the belief among the public that there is a pill for every ill and contribute to medicalisation of trivial ailments, leading to an even more ‘overmedicated’ society.” (Baumbach 2001) That is because these advertisements portraits drugs as miracles cures and project a false image of drug-taking models as “smiling, happy people” (Baumbach 2001) leaving out other “lifestyle changes or other nonpharmacologic interventions” (Baumbach 2001) which are just as important, if not more, for a healthy and happy lifestyle.

In the case of cigarettes smoking, advertisement plays a major role as well. “The tobacco industry spends 5 billion dollars a year on advertising and promotion.” (Kline 2000) Since the beginning of tobacco and cigarettes advertising, the industry has attempted to project smoking as healthy, for example with the introduction of the menthol cigarettes in the 1950s (Pollay et al 2001), or downplaying the harmful effects of smoking. These advertisements add on to the effects already advocated by the drug and pharmaceutical industry and influence the public into believing the therapeutic effects of cigarettes in relieving stress.

Conclusion
In conclusion, the “pill for every ill” syndrome is all but a man-made phenomenon created by the “medical profession and pharmaceutical industry” as “it is in the interest of both groups to define more and more problems as medical in order to justify both the medical model and the intervention of drugs”. (Lennard 1971)

Furthermore the advertising industry has been employed effectively to reach this end as the “industry with practically unlimited access to the mass media has been confusing the people, young and old alike, that drugs effect instant and significant changes” (Lennard 1971) and the tobacco industry jumped onto the bandwagon and ride on its wave.

With the cigarette example, this paper has illustrated how the drug industry, “in its attempt to increase the market for its products”, “is redefining and relabelling as medical problems calling for drug intervention wide range of human behaviours which, in the past, have been viewed as falling within the bounds of normal trials and tribulations of human existence”. (Lennard 1971)

Stress, which was a natural “process in which environmental demands strain an organisms adaptive capacity” (Despues 1999) now becomes pathological, an “ill” and demands a cure, using drugs. Cigarettes is the “pill” that provides for that hedonistic relief, much like many of the over drugs on the market.

Bibliography
Baumbach, Amy. “A Pill For Every Ill”, <>, (Accessed 1 April 2007)

Cooperstock, Ruth. “A Pill For Every Nervous Ill: Psychotropics As World Concern”. In Drug Use And Misuse, edited by Griffith Edwards, Awni Arif and Jerome Jaffe. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1983

Despues, Desiree. “Stress And Illness”, California State University, Northridge, <>, (Accessed 1 April 2007)

Edwards, Griffith. “Drugs And Drug Abuse”. In Drug Use And Misuse, edited by Griffith Edwards, Awni Arif and Jerome Jaffe. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1983

Kline, Robert L. “Tobacco Advertising After the Settlement: Where We Are and What Remains To Be Done” Kansas Journal of Law & Public Policy, Volume 9, Issue 4 <>, (Accessed 1 April 2007)

Lennard, Henry L. “The Chemical Illusion”. In Drug Abuse: Psychology, Sociology, Pharmacology, edited by Brent Q. Hafen and Eugene J. Faux. Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1973

Louria, Donald B. “Drugs And Society”. In Drug Abuse: Psychology, Sociology, Pharmacology, edited by Brent Q. Hafen and Eugene J. Faux. Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1973

Pollay, Richard W. and Dewhirst, Timothy. “Marketing Cigarettes with Low Machine-Measured Yields”. In Risks Associated with Smoking Cigarettes with Low Machine-Measured Yields of Tar and Nicotine, edited by Donald R. Shopland, David M. Burns, Neal L. Benowitz and Richard H. Amacher. , (Accessed 1 April 2007)

“Quitting Tobacco: Handling Stress ... Without Smoking”, National Cancer Institute, , (Accessed 1 April 2007)

“Britons believe in a pill for every ill”, The Telegraph, 8 April 2005

According to Amitav Acharya (2000), ASEAN can be considered a nascent “security community”. Do you agree?

By Ng Wee Loon

Introduction

Dr. Amitav Acharya is a professor at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies at the Nanyang Technological University of Singapore, with an interest in multilateralism and regionalism, Asian security and international relations theory. Author of numerous books and articles, he discussed the regionalism of ASEAN in his book, “Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia”, using the concept of a security community as first proposed by Karl Deutsch in the 1950s. According to Karl Deutsch, a security community is defined as:
“a group that has ‘become integrated’, where integration is defined as the attainment of a sense of community, accompanied by formal and informal institutions and practices, sufficiently strong and widespread to assure peaceful change among members of a group with ‘reasonable’ certainty over a ‘long period of time.’”

Therefore in order to consider ASEAN as a nascent security community, we must look at whether ASEAN fulfils the criteria as laid out above. In doing so, we will also discuss the limitations of this concept in its application to ASEAN and finally, other contesting concepts that might be applied and their suitability.

ASEAN as a security community
In his definition of a security community, Karl Deutsch also made the distinction between two forms of security community. The first being a community that is “‘amalgamated’ through the formal political merger of the participating units” and the second being a “pluralistic” community in which case members retain their independence and sovereignty.” It is this second form of security community that Dr. Acharya employed in his discussion of ASEAN.

Two main points were identified and emphasised in Karl Deutsch’s definition of a security community. Firstly, a security community is identified by the absence of war. Dr. Acharya interpreted this more accurately as “the ability to manage conflicts peacefully rather than the absence of conflicts”. In this light, ASEAN has managed to fulfil the criteria as since its inception in 1967, ASEAN has managed conflict in its own ways and there had been no escalation of conflicts into open, full-fledged war.

Conflicts are never absent in ASEAN. As pointed by Tim McDonald, the ASEAN declaration of 1967 was “made against the background of the confrontasi between Indonesia and its neighbour over the incorporation of the Borneo territories into Malaysia.” Other than the confrontasi, there continues to exist conflicts between member states of ASEAN. For example, the dispute between Malaysia and Philippines over Sabah, insurgency and separatist issues at the Thai-Malaysia issue and water agreement issues between Singapore and Malaysia.

Yet through the history of ASEAN, member states have been able to peacefully manage their conflicts using what is known as the “ASEAN Way”. Central to this “ASEAN Way” is the agreement between member states to respect each other’s sovereignty and to agree on the non-application of force. “It is a conflict avoidance system relying on informal friendly negotiations in structurally loose settings as opposed to adversarial modes in legally grounded institution.” Other than the “ASEAN Way”, the Treat of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) of 1976 further ensured peace in ASEAN, emphasising on the “mutual respect for sovereignty” and the “renunciation of the threat or the use of threat.”

Thus ASEAN, through its unique conflict management system in the “ASEAN Way” and formal treaties such as the TAC has ensured the absence of war and bring itself closer to becoming a security community as conceptualised by Deutsch.

The second point emphasis in Deutsch’s conception of a security community is the “absence of significant organised preparations for war vis-à-vis any other members.” In this aspect, ASEAN members are somewhat lacking.

ASEAN member states have always maintained their military capabilities. Furthermore, member states such as Myanmar and more recently, Thailand are under military rule. As the Singapore Minister Teo Chee Hean pointed out in his speech in April 2005, security is imperative for Singapore’s survival, given their location in a sometimes turbulent region. This underlines Singapore’s, and other ASEAN member states’, continued emphasis on building and developing a military capability. Perceived threats are still very real in ASEAN with regards to regional conflicts and members have continued to ensure that they can maintain their national sovereignty in times of escalated conflict. Though all-out war has been avoided in the past decades, there is still a lacking of trust between member states and they still view each other as possible enemies. This clearly goes against Deutsch’s conception of a security community.

To further illustrate this point, ASEAN member states have continued to maintain high defence budgets. In 2006, Singapore announced its defence budget to be a hefty sum of S$10 billion dollars to maintain “a high state of operational readiness to respond to any conventional or non-conventional threat to Singapore's security.”

Hence with respect to the second aspect of a security community, ASEAN is yet to be suitable to be considered as security community and they will consider to unsuitable unless they are able to cultivate the trust in each other that coercive force will not be employed. Since ASEAN do not qualify as a security community, it is no longer necessary to consider what stage of development it is in.

Limitations of this concept with respect to ASEAN
As pointed out in the work of Dr. Acharya, “Deutsch’s original work on security communities was concerned with the Western world, especially Europe and the North Atlantic.” This raised questions about its suitability as a concept to be applied to ASEAN.

The first problem that he pointed in applying this concept to a non-western world is that compared to the Western world, the Third World is “much more prone to conflict and war.” This, he says, is Third World countries are not in a relationship like the West, which is of a more “profound quality than the collective expectation and preparation to use force against someone else that is the essence of alliance relationship” and that Third World countries continued to be involved in “fragile regional security system marked by high level of conflict and disorder.” ASEAN’s own “ASEAN Way” can in a way be the reason behind this fragile regional security system because “it is not a problem-solving mechanism.” By sweeping the problem under the carpet and avoiding conflicts, ASEAN run the risks of them resurfacing and becoming multipliers in any other conflicts that may arise in the future.
The second problem that Dr. Acharya raised with regards to the limitations of the application of the notion to non- Western world is the “widespread assumption among the liberal theorist that such communities require a quintessential liberal-democratic milieu featuring significant economic interdependence and political pluralism.”

This poses a difficulty for ASEAN. First of all, not all of the member states are the kind of liberal-democratic states as defined by the Western world. Myanmar is currently ruled by a military junta while Brunei is still a monarchy. Secondly, while there has been increasing economic interdependence with the establishment of ASEAN Free Trade Areas, intra-ASEAN trade volume is still not comparable to trade volumes between individual member states and external actors such as the United States. Thirdly, political pluralism remains a problem, as can be seen by the continued dominance of ethnic- and religion-based conflicts. These conflicts take on an international importance when the parties involved engage in cross-border activities. For example, the Malays sympathy for Muslims in Southern Thailand and Myanmar’s cross border chase for ethnic rebels result in conflict between Thailand and Malaysia, and Thailand and Myanmar respectively.

Contesting concepts
Dr. Reuben Wong of the Political Science Department at the National University of Singapore suggested the concept of “regional security complex” (RSC), a concept of Barry Buzan, as a contesting concept to Deutsch’s security community in conceptualising ASEAN. According to him, “regional security complex” is the “durable patterns of amity and enmity taking the form of subglobal, geographically coherent patterns of security interdependence”

Taking into definition as the working definition for this paper, a RSC is applicable to ASEAN because ASEAN is a geographically coherent area with a high level of interaction between its member states. RSC also takes into account both positive and negative interactions, as stated in its definition, with the inclusion of both “ patterns of amity and enmity” . This can be contrasted with Deutsch’s security community, which does not take into account enmity.

However, Dr. Wong also advised considering whether are the interactions in ASEAN regular and intense enough for us to call it a complex. This brings us back to the concept of the “ASEAN Way” in which the principles of “musjawarah, meaning ‘consultation,’ and mufakat, ‘consensus’” make intense interaction less probable.

Conclusion
In conclusion,
“There is no question but that the Southeast Asian states’ interests in the maintenance of the cooperative framework of ASEAN has resulted in a security environment in Southeast Asia in which the possibility of armed conflict between member states has been substantially reduced. It would be premature, however,..., to conclude that the ASEAN states have created a ‘security community’ in the Karl Deutsch sense.”

Even though ASEAN do fulfil some criteria of the Deutschian concept of a security community, it is undeniable that member states still view each other as potential, if not real threats, as can be seen by the ever high defence budget and emphasis on expansion and improvement of military capability.

The Deutschian concept was unable to fully explain the ASEAN security environment due to the nature of its conception. That it was meant to explain the development of the Western world made it inherently unsuitable for Southeast Asia, a region that is historically and culturally different from Europe and the North Atlantic region. However, the Deutschian concept could be used as a start point. By modifying the Deutschian concept, taking into account local factors, could possibly allow us to come up with a more suitable theory to explain ASEAN.

Other theorists have tried to come up with their own theory to explain the ASEAN security environment, however, none could fully explain ASEAN on its own. However, the sum of them could be used to explain ASEAN, giving a more holistic and well-rounded explanations.


References
Acharya, Amitav. Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia. New York: Routledge. 2000

Budget Expenditure. “Ministry of Defence”. Singapore Budget 2006. http://www.mof.gov.sg/budget_2006/expenditure_overview/mindef.html

Buzan, Barry. “Security architecture in Asia: the interplay of regional and global levels”. The Pacific Review 162 (2003): 143-173

McDonald, Tim. “Multilateral Partnership for ASEAN Security”. Paper presented to the Defence Services Asia 1992 Conference “In Search of Pacific Asian Security”, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, April 29-30, 1992

Nanyang Technological University. “Dr Amitav Acharya”. NTU. http://www.ntu.edu.sg/rsis/about_rsis/staff_profiles/Amitav_Acharya.html

Teo, Chee Hean. Ministry of Defence Singapore. “Defending Singapore: Strategies for a small state. MINDEF. http://www.mindef.gov.sg/imindef/resources/speeches/2005/21apr05_speech.html

Weatherbee, Donald E. Southeast Asia: The Struggle for Autonomy. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. 2005

Lateralisation of human functions

By Ng Wee Loon

INTRODUCTION
“Human manual lopsidedness is fast becoming a major theme of inquiry in primatology, anthropology, genetics, neurology, developmental psychology, and linguistics” . This statement by Frank R. Wilson in his book “The Hand” aptly sums up the attention given to the studies of lateralisation in today’s scientific world. We now know that the human brain is made up of two different sides, termed as “hemispheres” that perform different functions. The left hemisphere is connected to the right side of the body and conversely, the right hemisphere is connected to the left side of the body. Each hemisphere performs specific functions and that is what we mean by “lateralisation”. The reason why lateralisation is given so much attention now is because “the development of lateralised function has been suggested as important to normal language, cognitive, social, emotional, perceptual and motor development, as well as to the early detection of certain kinds of abnormal development and disabilities” . One of the most pronounced forms of lateralisation is “handedness”, the dominance of either the left or the right hand in performing most of the activities. Several theorists have attempted to explain the prevalence of the right hand in human beings and some of their theories will be highlighted in this paper. The possible disadvantages faced by the minority left-handed population and the reasons behind these disadvantages will also be discussed. Lastly, the paper will explore the relationship between child development and lateralisation.

THE PREVALENCE OF RIGHT-HANDEDNESS
“Handedness is uniquely human” and “we alone exhibit a strong preference for the use of the same hand – left or right – in a variety of manual task” . Dr. Michael Corballis from the Department of Psychology at the University of Auckland mentioned in his book “Human Laterality” that there had been discussions as to the reasons for the prevalence of right-handedness, particularly the argument as to whether it is a “biological or cultural endowment” . According to him, the “bulk of the evidence suggests that our predominant right-handedness is not shaped by culture, but rather that our ‘right-handed world’ is a consequence of biological right-handedness.” Frank R.Wilson, who raised examples of the biological need for single strong hand preferences both in ancient times and in more modern researches, complements his view.

DISADVANTAGES FACED BY LEFT-HANDERS
Disadvantages faced by left-handers come from both the social stigma associated with them and from negligence shown to them in a “right-handed world”. Society often attach its own customs and beliefs to the hand and often certain words with negative connotations such as “profane”, “sinister”, “unlucky” are implicitly linked to the left hand. This results in left-handers being treated differently and often children discovered with left-handedness are made to convert to right this “defect” .
Other than cultural and social disadvantages, “Joseph Bogen, a neurosurgeon has also argued that the current emphasis on the acquisition of verbal skills and the development of analytic thought process neglects the development of important non-verbal abilities.” This in turn, means that we are neglecting the development of the left-handers, as left-handedness is associated with the right brain, which is lateralised to perform functions of non-verbal abilities.
Despite facing difficulties, left and right-handers’ “fundamental differences in brain organisation” imply that conversions are not easily achieved. Besides that, being a left-hander does have its advantages, especially in sports. Substantiating this point is Marian Annette from the University of Leicester who thinks “right-handedness has been achieved at a reduction in the efficiency of the right hemisphere. Left-handers who do not have a weakened right hemisphere do better at a wide range of tasks, with the exception of early development of language.”

CHILD DEVELOPMENT AND LATERALISATION
Researches are continuing to shed light on the effects of lateralisation in child development today. As mentioned above with regards to the reasons for left-handers to remain as left-handers, children should be allowed to continue to use their dominant hands without interference. Besides, there have been increasing revelations on the visuospatial and musical abilities of the right hemisphere.
More importantly, as iterated by Clare Cherry et al in their book on Whole Child Development, “We develop not only the left or the right hemisphere but the whole brain, which must be a partner to itself; we develop the whole person”

CONCLUSION
The studies of lateralisation and human development cannot be fully explored given the length of this paper. Researches are continuously carried out to try and understand the workings of the human brain and functions of each hemisphere in human development. What is certain is that the right hemisphere can and will no longer be neglected as we begin to take into account its contributions in shaping the human race. “We do not have two brains, and we do not have half a brain. Rather, we have a two-sided brain that functions most productively when both sides are able to develop their partnership and work in unison, each complementing the other, and each having valuable contributions to make.”




REFERENCES
Cherry, Clare and Godwin, Douglas and Staples, Jesse. “Is the Left Brain Always Right?”. Australia: Hawker Brownlow. 1989

Corballis, Michael. “Human Laterality”. New York: Academic Press. 1983

Ornstein, Robert. “The Right Mind”. New York: Harcourt Brace & Company. 1997
Springer, Sally P. and Deutsch, Georg. “Left Brain, Right Brain”. New York: W.H. Freedom and Company. 1993

Wilson, Frank R. “The Hand”. New York: Pantheon Books. 1998

Crisis? What Crisis?

By Ng Wee Loon

Introduction

When James Callaghan entered Number Ten Downing Street on 5th April 1976 as Prime Minister, having defeated Michael Foot in the internal ballots of the Labour Party, he became the first and only British Prime minister to have previously occupied “the three great offices of state” in the British government. He was the Chancellor of Exchequer from 1964 to 1967, Home Secretary from 1967 to 1970 during Harold Wilson’s first term and the Foreign Secretary from 1974 to 1976 during Wilson’s second term.

Callaghan’s political life prior to becoming Prime Minister was marked by good relations with the unions; he “had risen in the Labour movement as a spokesperson for the trade unions,” “his training in the Inland Revenue” had let him “understand practical economics better than nine Chancellors out of ten” . Yet during the end of his tenure as Prime Minister, it was the combination of economic factors, the trade unions together with other factors, including the media with their satirical headlines “Crisis? What Crisis?” , that led Callaghan step by step towards his downfall.


Historical Context
The beginning of Callaghan’s term was fraught with difficulties. He succeeded Wilson in a situation of an imminent economic crisis and a tiny parliamentary majority. None of which made his job easier. Much of his attention was spent “ensuring that he conducted business in an orderly fashion, and to electoral survival,” preventing him from “being other then reactive.” He had the unenviable task of dealing with an inflation rate of 10 percent and unemployment that reach 1.56 million. This was not east to deal with, as the solutions of the two issues were in direct conflict with each other in economic terms.

The First Step – The IMF Crisis
Callaghan had a Policy Unit that he inherited from his predecessor Harold Wilson, with which he used for four main tasks. One of the tasks was “developing the policies that he took a personal interest” in, including the loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). “The IMF crisis that hit Britain in 1976 had as its focus the request by the Labour government for a loan from the IMF and the negotiations that followed over conditions for the loan.” Britain in 1976, was having various economic problems, inflation rate was high and as was unemployment rate. To add to that, it had to contend with unproductive industries and too much money supply. The loan from IMF, however, came with strings attached. The loan required the Labour government to decrease public expenditure, increase taxes and implement pay policies. These measures that Callaghan and his government took was to have severe repercussions at home in the events of the “Winter of Discontent” and within the ranks of the Labour party.

The Second Step – The “Winters of Discontent”
“The winter of 1978 to 1979 was characterised by mass industrial action over the government’s pay policy and became known the ‘Winter of Discontent.’” In line with the IMF agreements, Callaghan implemented pay policies that capped the pay rise of workers to 5 percent. In a time of high inflation, this translated to a decrease in the real purchasing power of the people. Indeed as Phillip Whitehead noted, “By 1977 the purchasing power of the average worker with two children had fallen by 7 percent over the two years of pay policy.” This resulted in widespread unhappiness and strikes and Callaghan was soon facing a crisis that he could not control as events unroll.
“A strike at Ford’s led to the company settling at 15 percent, the government’s last desperate attempt to push through sanctions against it was voted down at the House of Commons with the connivance of the Labour Left. In the new year, first lorry drivers, then one public-sector group after another, struck. Emotive targets were shut off. Secondary picketing seemed out of control. The press had the ultimate shocking headlines: ‘Has everyone one gone mat?, ‘Target for today – sick children’ and ‘Now they won’t let us bury our dead.’”

Ironically, Callaghan was paying the heavy price for his own decision earlier during Wilson’s premiership. Barbara Castle, then Secretary of State for Employment and Productivity, had attempted to outlaw the sort of unofficial strikes that occurred during the “Winter of Discontent” in her white paper “In Place of Strife” but she was defeated and prevented from passing it by Callaghan.

The role of the media
To compound his problem with the workers, when Callaghan came back from a summit in Guadeloupe in the midst of the “Winter of Discontent”, he was misquoted by the newspaper The Sun as saying, “Crisis? What Crisis?” ,
“For a desperate people, facing food shortages, snowy winter, the spectacle of a sun-tanned prime minister, back from the Caribbean, appearing to brush their problems aside or dismiss their concerns as parochial was hard to take.”

In this instance, something that “would in normal circumstances have been the most temporary of frissons [emphasis from original text] and immediately forgotten” had suddenly become a public relations nightmare.

Unlike his predecessor, Callaghan was not a media person. He did not make use of the media and seldom talk to the press, except for a few journalists. “He kept close some journalist associates from earlier days such as Peter Jenkins and Alan Watkins, but he evinced little interest in what others, even Labour stalwarts were writing.” This “inner self-confidence” he had in him and little regard for the “opinions of journalists and editors” resulted in unfavourable reports. Had he known how to make use of the media like Wilson did, the impact of the “Winter of Discontent” could have been downplayed.

Minority government
Other than the IMF crisis, the “Winter of Discontent” and his public relations problem, Callaghan also had problems in government. As previously mentioned, Callaghan came into Number Ten Downing Street with only a tiny parliamentary majority. Having succeeded Harold Wilson in mid-term, Callaghan had to worked with a minority government with only 37 percent of the popular votes. Wilson had came into power only due to the “success of the resurgence of the Liberals, who polled their highest figure for forty years, reducing the Conservatives in turn to their lowest percentage since 1929.” In addition to the original electoral results, the Labour party’s standing continued to go south during the by-elections in view of the various problems Britain was facing. “On paper, there was after a time no majority of any kind. It was possible however (and this Callaghan achieved) to keep afloat by an agreement with the Liberals.” Agreement came at a price, as the Labours had to consult with “David Steel, the Liberal leader, over sensitive discussions” and the latter gained more influence in parliament then they had did for many years.



Labour factionalism
Callaghan’s problems in parliament were mirrored by factionalism in the Labour party. The IMF crisis had brought with it, together with the “Winter of Discontent”, seeds of unhappiness within the Labour party. The IMF crisis together with the problems with the unions saw the Labour Party split into two groups. On the one hand, the “born again Social democrats decried their reliance on the unions, the immense deference to Michael Foot inside the Cabinet and Jack Jones outside it.” On the other side, there was the Labour left, who saw them as “premature monetarists, abandoning full employment, alternative economics policies, industrial democracy, the poor and national sovereignty itself, in desperate wheeling and dealing with the forces of international capital.”

Such splits had their roots deep inside Labour as Wilson had earlier, during his time, refused to elaborate on the directions of a Labour Party “fallen on hard economic times”. Callaghan later added to it when he introduced the IMF loans. At a time of trouble such as these, even a “shrewd and successful political operator” like Callaghan could have needed problems at least not from his own party.

The final step – Devolution
The final stroke to Callaghan’s time in Number Ten Downing Street came in March of 1979. Referenda held in Scotland and Wales for devolution of the two areas, “which had occupied much of parliamentary time since the end of 1976 and which were vital to the tactical manoeuvres which ensured the government’s survival” came back negative. The campaigns in Scotland and Wales for devolution did not go well in these two areas because it had “inevitably turned into a plebiscite on the government’s record as a whole during the winter of discontent.” As a result of the failed referenda, the Scottish Nationalist pulled out their support that they had given Callaghan in the minority government. With that, the Liberals subsequently pulled out their support as well, as they changed their position and hoped for an earlier election to prevent it from happening concurrently with the trial of their former leader who was being charged for murder and homosexuality.

Conclusion
James Callaghan’s Labour government “fell on 28 March, the first to be defeated on a vote of no confidence for fifty years.” Reviewing Callaghan’s time in Number Ten Downing Street, it is important to understand that he had inherited an office that was burdened with so many troubles that even with his experienced accumulated over three other top offices in the British government, he could not handle it.

The minority government that he inherited from Wilson meant that he had to contend with working with the Liberals and the Scottish and Welsh Nationalist, who abandoned him near the end. The economic problems left him with little options except to seek help from the IMF. Yet this very action sowed the seeds of discontent not only in his people during the “Winter of Discontent” but also within his party as they spilt up over the way of socialism, further weakening his position as prime minister. His disdain for the press and the media, which proved to be a useful tool for his predecessor, did not help him during the “Winter of Discontent” as the media churned up sensationalised headlines on a daily basis culminating in the one “Crisis? What Crisis?” that has since became “national folklore”

In the end, he “could only turn to the realms of foreign affairs”, where he had close personal relationship with the German Chancellor Helmut Schmitt and American President Jimmy Carter, for relief.” Retrospectively, Callaghan was a victim of circumstances who did all that he could. As Peter Whitehead concluded,
“Callaghan held on to his income policy with the tenacity with which Mrs Thatcher was to pursue the Argentines (although his task force sank!). Within the limitations of almost nil growth and low profits there were efforts at redistribution. The emphasis on direct taxation rather than regressive indirect taxes protected the poorest. Pensions and employment subsidies helped other vulnerable groups, though unselectively.”

And Mrs Thatcher would later add that, “In other circumstances he would have been a great prime minister.”

Bibliography
Burk, Kathleen and Cairncross, Alec. Goodbye Great Britain: The 1976 IMF Crisis. London: Yale. 1992

“Crisis? What Crisis?”. BBC. 12 September. 2000. UK. Politics.

Hennessy, Peter and Seldon, Anthony. Ruling performance: British governments from Attlee to Thatcher. Oxford: B. Blackwell.1987

Kavanagh, Dennis and Selden, Anthony. The Powers Behind the Prime Minister: the hidden influence of Number Ten. London: HarperCollins Publisher. 1999

Longford, Frank. Eleven at No. 10: a personal view of prime ministers, 1931-1984. London: Harrap. 1984

Morgen, Kenneth O. Callaghan: A Life. New York: Oxford. 1997

“Obituary: Lord Callaghan”, BBC, 26 March, 2005, UK, Politics,

Perkins, Anne. “Baroness Castle of Blackburn”. The Guardian. 4 May. 2002. UK.

“‘Tough Operator’ Remembered”. BBC. 26 March. 2005. UK. Politics.

“1978: Callaghan accused of running scared”. BBC. 7 September. UK.

"A credible ESDP can only be a pipe dream as long as Europe's security remains underpinned by NATO." Do you agree?

By Ng Wee Loon

Introduction
Europe’s security has been closely tied to North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) since the ratification of the latter by its member states in 1949, preceding the establishment of the European Union (EU). All the European founding members of NATO, with the exception of Norway and Iceland, are now member states of EU. Following that, subsequent enlargements saw the inclusion of many European states that are now members of both organisations. This underlines the inherent link between EU’s security and NATO. This is not to say, however, that EU had intended to rely only on NATO for its security. As Bretherton and Vogler pointed out, “in many ways the EU, from its original conception in the form of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), was always in the business of providing security.” By forming a community with the aggressor of the past Germany, and pooling together vital resources, the other members of ECSC effectively removed the possible threat of a resurgent Germany and ensured security by preventing conflicts.

Fifty-five years down the road, ECSC in its present form of the EU, has now a clear, institutionalised system in charge of security. Following the Maastricht Treaty of 1992, the EU is separated into three pillars. “The first pillar comprised the European Community (EC), including Economic and Monetary Union (EMU); the second comprised the Common Security and Foreign Policy (CFSP), a direct response to the external challenges of the post-Cold War world; the third covered cooperation on justice and home affairs, notably immigration, asylum, and criminal matters”. The security component of CFSP is subsequently realised in the form of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). This paper will attempt to cover the development of the ESDP, from the events leading up to its conception to its present form. In doing so, the paper will also attempt to argue that the ESDP is already a credible force in its own right and has the potential be increase its credibility. In doing so the paper will highlight security issues that surround EU and hence present ESDP as a policy that is at least capable of resolving some, if not most of them, by attempting to work out the definition of credibility. It will then highlight that the forces at play that influence the development of the ESDP, including NATO, and the direction it should take to achieve that potential. Hence, the paper will argue that a credible ESDP is already there, a work in the making, and not just a pipe dream, even as Europe’s security is at the present, to a certain extent still underpinned by NATO.

The ESDP
There are different viewpoints as to the actual beginning of the ESDP. Howorth and Keeler, for example, believe that “today’s ESDP may be viewed as a project in gestation for some fifty years,” bringing the ESDP back to as early as the 1940s. Beginning with the call for the Western Union by then British and French foreign ministers Ernest Bevin and Georges Bidault in 1947, to the creation of the European Defence Community in the 1950s, the Fouchet Plan of the 1960s, to the European Political Cooperation in the 1970s and the Western European Union in the 1980, Europe in its various forms has made several attempts at creating some forms of a defence and security capability. The real breakthrough however came during the St. Malo Declaration between United Kingdom (UK) and France. Following the Balkan crises, which demonstrated a “series of handicaps” on the part of the EU, the St. Malo Declaration called for “EU itself to acquire the capacity for autonomous action backed by credible military forces.”

The St. Malo Declaration did not become plain talk as the EU began taking steps in the building of a concrete approach towards European capabilities, resulting in the formation of the ESDP. As part of ESDP, the EU now has as part of its institutional framework, a High Representative for CFSP, a Political and Security Committee (PSC), a European Military Committee (EUMC) and a European Military Staff (EUMS). At the Helsinki European Council meeting of 1999, a call was for made for what was later known as the Helsinki Headline Goals (HHG). It called for,
“EU Member States to be able to deploy up to 50,000 - 60,000 personnel (corps level) within 60 days that are sustainable for a year in support of the Petersberg Tasks. The Petersberg Tasks include humanitarian and rescue tasks; peacekeeping tasks; and tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking (referred to as ‘peace enforcement’ in some contexts). The forces pledged ‘should be militarily self-sustaining with the necessary command, control and intelligence capabilities, logistics, other combat support services and additionally, as appropriate, air and naval elements.’”

The HHG was originally scheduled to be fulfilled in 2003 but it did not materialise. As a result, the Brussels European Council in 2004 came up with a new Headline Goal 2010, this time calling for,
“EU Member States to ‘be able by 2010 to respond with rapid and decisive action applying a fully coherent approach to the whole spectrum of crisis management operations covered by the Treaty of the European Union.’”

The Laeken European Council in 2001 declared ESDP operational, despite the latter’s inability to meet the HHG of 1999. As a result, the declaration of “operationality” has largely been regarded as “controversial” and “were criticised by serious strategic analysts.” This premature declaration contributed to the notion of the ESDP not being a credible force. The ESDP was not given a chance to even out its shortfalls. By declaring it operational, the EU invited reviews and attacks on a policy that was still in its infancy.

A credible ESDP with potential
The question of the credibility of the ESDP depends on the definition of credibility. The “civilian power” approach which EU pioneer has, among others, led to Robert Kagan’s analysis as EU weakness and has gathered mixed responses. EU’s foreign policy and military involvement has largely been Petersberg Tasks such as humanitarian and rescue operations and peacekeeping. The examples of Bosnia and Kosovo was raised by Kagan, in which he said,
“Under the best of circumstances, the European role was limited to filling out peacekeeping forces after the United States had, largely on its own, carried out the decisive phases of a military mission and stabilized the situation.”

Supporters of Kagan’s viewpoint and opponents of EU would thus agree that the EU and the ESDP is not a credible force. Christopher Hill added on to that citing the war on Afghanistan,
“The Europeans could never have mounted an operation themselves had they been original victims of Al Qaeda. The only significant military contributions some of them could make was through special forces,” and that “the Europeans could not, either collectively or in sub-groups, handle the ‘high-end Petersberg Task’ represented by Afghanistan.”

On the other hand, EU has been able to perform the task allocated to them, involving in “several military or quasi-military operations, not only in ‘New Europe’ but also in Africa,” taking over peacekeeping operations in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. It also launched an autonomous mission, without American support in the Republic of Congo. The reality that EU is able to carry out such operations belies their credibility. “Although on occasions the kind of work the EU does has been sneered at as reduced to ‘clearing up’ or ‘foreign policy as social work’, it is an indispensable part of modern international relations, and requires the commitment of resources, political capital and long term thinking.” In contrast, despite the United States’ (US) capability to carry out high intensity operations such as that of Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan and more recently Iraq, it lacks the ESDP’s ability to carry out peacekeeping missions,
“The average US soldier, trained for high intensity warfare, operates at levels 8 to 10 on an intensity scale of 1 to 10. If forced to, he can ‘operate down’ to level 6 but is uncomfortable with that, owing to the lack of training in the art of peacekeeping and nation-building.”

As mentioned above, peacekeeping operations is an indispensable area of modern international relations. Using the same examples, US need the EU to complement it in their military operations. If the EU do not intervene in ‘low-end Petersberg Task’ and with the US unable to carry out such missions, the war in Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan would have been self-defeating, leaving the people no better than before American intervention. In this perspective, Kagan’s concept of American power and European weakness would be reversed and the ESDP is already a credible force with a style that complements the Americans.

The question of credibility also needs to take into account as well the security issues present. It is not in absolute terms but in relative terms. The end of the Cold War meant a great change in terms of the immediate threat posed to the EU. With the Soviet Union no longer existing, EU’s top security concerns changed from that to the newly-independence states in Eastern Europe. However, through its enlargement process, that threat has largely disappeared as well, with 17 of the former Soviet satellite states now members of EU. Following September 11, the focus was shifted to the Middle East. However, “its intervention in the Middle East are likely to retain an exclusively civilian character, not least because of the dominant position of the United States in the region.” In this case, EU’s position as a civilian power is no longer one due to its lack of credibility in its ESDP, but rather because of its ally’s unilateral actions. The ESDP is strong enough to handle the security that it faces.

The preceding examples have argued that the ESDP is already a credible force in its own right. It is then important to realise that it has the potential to go further that the EU is a union of 27 countries. Before the accession of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007, EU already includes over “450 million people producing a quarter of the world’s gross national product.” In military terms, as of 2004, this translates into 1.8 million people under arms and an aggregate defence budget of China, Russia, Japan, Saudi Arabia, India and South Korea combined. In 2003, EU-25’s military expenditure was USD208 billion, bettered only by the US and NATO, the latter including many of EU members. This has yet to make an impact because it represents the expenditure mostly of individual countries. However, it also represents the amount that can be directed towards a possible EU defence budget. Although it pales in comparison to US’s USD450 billion, it does not take away the truth that EU’s expenditure is still more than all of the other major world powers’ combined. In addition, EU’s credibility is not based on its relative strength to the US and hence the disparity does not equate to a weak Europe. Instead, it represents a huge potential ready to be explored.

Towards development
With so much potential, it is worthwhile to examine the factors that could propel ESDP towards further development. There are many possible factors present, both endogenous and exogenous. It is not possible to discuss all of them but it would suffice to raise the more prominent ones so as to present the case for further military integration. First and foremost, “a state of military dependence on others should not be compatible with the dignity of nations like those in Western Europe , which should seek to be come more militarily self sufficient in their homeland defence and security.” A union the size of EU, which is already an undeniable power in terms of trade, should have a military strength that is comparable to its economic strength. This coincides with the St. Malo Declaration calling for EU to “be in a position to play its full role on the international stage.” The EU is the largest trading bloc and the largest developmental aid donor in the world, comparable only by the US, what was missing was only military capabilities.

The US presents itself, next, as a factor calling for a more credible ESDP in two folds. The first is the realisation for the EU that it needs to have autonomous capability in areas where EU and US interests diverge. Following the Balkan incidents, the US has been calling for greater EU involvement in its alliance within NATO. The dismal showing of EU in the Balkans had the Americans questioning “why it was that a EU with a GDP equal to or superior to that of the United States and with a considerably larger population could not do more organise and above all fund its own ability.” Similarly, the European Security and Defence Initiative (ESDI), established prior to the ESDP as part of the NATO to facilitate the EU to “assume greater share of the burden for security missions”, was to allow “EU forces to be separated out from the NATO force pool in order to undertake a mission with which the United States or ‘the Alliance as a whole’ did not wish to get involved.” Again the US demonstrated its desire for the EU to be able to handle things on their own without having to involve US resources, as Washington stated that “ unless the Europeans ‘got serious’ about rendering their armed forces usable, the message from DC read, the Atlantic Alliance was over.”

The other compelling issue with regards to the US is the latter’s increasing unilateralist approach to international affairs. Following the end of the Cold War, the US emerged as “the only superpower in the world” and “its behaviour towards some international regime raised doubts about how effective a state of this size could, or wished to, operate within a world of international organisations.” Using the Afghan War as an example, September 11 demonstrated the US’s ability to carry out operations on its own. Despite the member states of NATO invoking Article V, the US invaded Afghanistan with the NATO basically sidelined. Though “Washington eventually associated with its military efforts small numbers of cherry-picked European forces,” “the Afghan War was anything but a NATO operation.” This is not in concert with the EU’s method of modus operandi of multilateralism. After the war, EU and US also differed again over priorities in the region, with the Europeans prioritising,
“The political over the military; humanitarian relief over further escalation of the war on terrorism; the quest for a balanced Middle East settlement over the blanket support for Israel; and a long-term commitment to stabilisation in Afghanistan over the hunt for Bin Laden.”

Such stark differences meant that if EU wants to carry out their priorities, they would have to do it without American support, thereby underlining the necessity of having their own capabilities. The much needed capabilities would serve EU as well, in the promotion of their form of world order with the “UN are the core of the EU’s concerted efforts to re-launch multilateralism as a general and widely accepted method to conduct international relations.”

Challenges
If there are arguments for the development of the ESDP, there are more arguments against its progression. Despite the possibility to develop itself further, many obstacles and details still needs to be worked out before the EU and the ESDP can realise its latent strength. This section shall go on to highlight some of the most prominent ones as it is not possible to cover all of them in a paper of this length.

One of the problems has its roots in the beginning of the ESDP at St. Malo. From the outset, there is a “critical ambiguity”, which poses problems for the development of the ESDP. While
UK interpreted ESDP as “complementary to NATO”, France “regarded it as a first step towards counterbalancing US power and providing some real autonomy for Europe.” This difference in opinions extends to the other members of the EU. The member states of the EU are also divided into 2 camps, one pro US, and the other anti US in the directions of ESDP development. On the one hand, UK as it often did, leaned towards the Americans and supported the latter’s argument that “there was no need for the EU to duplicate planning facilities at SHAPE, as these could be used for EU as well as NATO operations.” On the other hand, France, Germany, Belgium and Luxembourg met up and launched the Tervuren initiative aimed at giving EU a new planning capability. Examples of such a split between EU’s leading nations, especially UK and France, who “had always presented themselves as the hard-power players” , could prove crippling for the development of the ESDP. This is truer when the area of defence and security in the EU is still very much an intergovernmental affair.

The second obstacle that hinders ESDP development is very much linked to the preceding argument of the split between EU member states. The intergovernmental nature of ESDP results in the existence of structural problems in making ESDP a credible force. First of the structural problem, as Bretherton and Vogler correctly pointed out, is that,
“The exclusively intergovernmental character of the ESDP required that it should be run from the Council Secretariat located in the Justus Lipsius Building in Brussels and its new secure military annex in the Avenue of Cortenbergh. At the same time an institutional means had to be found to enable the Council to take the kind of rapid decision that might be expected in a crisis involving the deployment of forces. Such expedition had not been a notable characteristic of the EU’s decision-making, especially operating beyond Community competence and in the expectation of a Union of 25 or more member states. In addition, the intergovernmental mode meant that dedicated Community funding was unavailable and that cross-pillar obstacles would have to be overcome, if the multifunctional aspirations of the ESDP were to be realised.”

Its intergovernmental character requires that the member states need to come to consensus when deciding on the course of actions required in particular cases. Since most international crises requires rapid decisions to be made, the Council do not have the luxury of slowly debating and coming up a decision that renders all member states happy. Secondly, with each enlargement, to the present of 27, there is increasing difficulty in coming up with a stand that represents every member since each member state has its own agenda and political leanings.

From another aspect, “at the level of the Union, the Commission already has a key role in the delivery of securities, and a role in the CFSP, but no decision-making function in the ESDP.” What this presented to the EU is potential of conflict between the Commission between and the Council. This will be further aggravated when the Commission and the Council have different aims and ambitions. As Anne Deighton correctly pointed out, “the Commission’s aims are to ensure a single and coherent EU position” and “a more cohesive institutional structure that reflects acquired European solidarities.” This poses a problem as the Council is seldom, if ever coherent in their position. As previously mentioned, the Council includes 27 member states, each with their individual agenda and leaning. To add to that, a cohesive institutional structure spells supranationalism with the Commissioner holding the power. For the newer member states that had only just regained their independence following the end of the Cold War, ceding foreign policy decision making rights will be difficult.

Other than the internal structural problems, the ESDP also faces external challenges. For one the US, which had earlier been calling for the EU to take up more responsibility in burden sharing now realised that EU, at least part of it, is calling for a “separate and not just separable” force. In response it is calling for EU to have “no discrimination between allies, no decoupling from the alliance and no duplication of military effort.”
“Essentially, the US regarded the ESDP as being within the alliance, providing NATO, and hence the United States, with the option of first refusal of any proposed operation, and indeed of defining what would be an autonomous European action through engagement in joint advance planning.”

The US wanted to remain influential in Europe without committing themselves to the security of the region. By keeping ESDP as complementary to NATO and keeping the option of first refusal, it can choose to intervene only when the issue is advantageous to the US. This was naturally not acceptable to the Europeans. The result was a Berlin-plus agreement, a middle ground between the two camps, which allowed ESDP to use NATO’s assets in the former’s autonomous operations. The agreement was vital as ESDP had yet to set up full-fledged capabilities in many areas.

The way ahead
As mentioned previously, the ESDP is already a credible force in its own right. Even so, there remain however, areas of improvement, which could render it a stronger force in international politics. This section will discuss some of the ways forward for the EU and the ESDP, giving some suggestions in going forward.

The first point mentioned was that EU’s strength lies in its economic prowess. This economic prowess is tied to the available and effective tools to its disposal in international relations. “The carrot without the stick” is the term used to describe EU’s foreign policy. In areas where economic sanctions and development aid do not work, military threat should be available as a diplomatic tool. EU, however, lack this tool. Yet, given EU’s economic strength, this tool is not unattainable. From the outset, it was highlight that the combined defence budget of the EU is one of the largest in the world, in front of countries such as Russia, China, India, and Japan. Besides, EU member states within the NATO structure also contributes to significant amounts to the NATO budget. Hence in the case of EU, funds are available but the crux of the issue is the use of the funds.

To make ESDP a credible force, EU should also coordinate, other than monetary resources, technological and logistical resources. “Much of it continues to be tied down in static territorial defences left over from the Cold War period or in the inefficient duplication of assets on a national basis.” By working separately, the EU member states do not get enjoy economies of scale and “potential synergies” that can arise from joint production. This is especially true for the smaller states with lower levels of technology. Efforts spent in the research and development could be assisted by information sharing from the more advanced states like UK and France.

The same synergy can be achieved in the area of decision-making. Mixed messages from within the Council and between the Council and the Commission make actual progression difficult. The decision-making progress has a higher chance of going forward in the hands of the Commission with one voice, rather than the Council with 27 and more coming in the future. As mentioned above, the Commission already has a key role in the CFSP; it is a paradox that it has no say in the ESDP, which is an element of the CFSP. Since viewpoints between states often diverge, resulting in inertia, the Commission can act as mediator. It was however, discussed that it will be difficult for the countries, especially the new member states to agree to cede their power to the EU body. Yet they must understand that cooperation in the field of defence have long-term benefits. First, having a joint defence can mean having a military force larger than what each state can individually afford. Secondly, information-sharing in the area of defence can bring the newer states up to date with technology that they do not possess and now need not attempt to research for. Thirdly, a force representing 27 voices makes more sound in the international scene than a voice representing one. The ESDP could have an amplifying effect on their individual interest.

Conclusion
In conclusion, this paper argues that a credible ESDP is already present, as highlighted by the various operations that it has undertaken and is capable of undertaking. While many people, such as Robert Kagan, see European capabilities as weak compared to the United States, we must understand that EU’s strengths are different from that of the United States and should not be compared totally in the same light. In addition, except the United States, the EU expenditure and budget on military is larger than all the other prominent countries in the world and that speaks for itself.

The most pressing problem is resolving issues with regards to the use of EU funds, having the appropriate directions that the EU should take and the correct authorities to make that decision. The ESDP can continue to progress into a force that is more approximate with the US, in terms of hard power capabilities. To that end, the argument that as long as Europe’s security is underpinned by NATO, is disputed. The presence of NATO ensures that the ESDP can continue to work out the details of its operations while reverting to NATO protection in situations that are at the present still outside the capabilities of ESDP. Therefore the argument that a credible ESDP is a pipe dream as long as EU’s security is underpinned by NATO is proved to the contrary. A credible ESDP is made even more possible by having NATO around.

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